-Studies in Tuḷuva history and culture, Author – Professor P. Gururaja Bhatt, M.A., B.T., Ph.D.
The political history of Tuḷu-nādu from the early centuries of the Christian era to the advent of the British may, broadly, be divided into four periods.
- The Āḷupa period
- The Vijayanagara period
- The Keladi period
- The period of Hyder Ali and Tippu Sultan.
The history of a host of minor chieftaincies that held power in partial sovereignty merges into these four broad divisions. The Alupas and their role in the history of Tuḷu-nādu. The Āḷupas were the most important of the various ruling families of Tuḷu-nādu who seem to have had a record of more than a thousand years of political career and they controlled the destiny of Tuḷu-nādu till the close of the 14th C.A.D. There can hardly be any doubt that theirs was a family of considerable antiquity. It is almost certain now that Āḷvakhēḍa, the land of the Alupas, was known to the Greeks as, Olokhoira. The Halmiḍi inscription (the earliest of the hitherto known Kannada inscriptions) makes references to Aḷapa-gaṇa and Aḷu which, most probably, relate to the Alupa family. In the recently discovered Guḍnāpur epigraph, ascribed to the 6th century A.D., the Āḷupa ruler is mentioned as one of the subordinates of Kadamba Ravivarma (C.A.D. 485-A.D.519) In all probability, the Āḷupas entrenched themselves in power from the early centuries of the Christian era and very often, offering their willing submission to the Karnāṭaka overlords, continued in virtual political sovereignty over Alvakhēḍa until the establishment of thc Vijayanagara empire. It is difficult to define in finality their territorial jurisdiction and also it will be inappropriate to argue that the boundaries of their kingdom were the same at all times. They fluctuated from time to time. Nevertheless, it may, broadly, be stated that the district of South Canara and the coastal regions of the North Kanara district upto Gōkarna were incorporated in their kingdom. Sometimes, they were the lords of Banavāsi-mandaḷa, a much wider territory: It is now free from doubt that they had even blood-relationship with the Western Chālukyas of Bādāmi. In accordance with the political vicissitudes to which they were subject, their capital was shifted from one place to another. Mangaḷapura (Mangalore) seemed to have been their first capital. In the 8th C.A.D they fixed Udayapura (Udyāvara) as the centre of their political activity. Then, Bārakūru drew their attention and once again, perhaps, from the 11th to the 13th centuries A.D., Mangalapura became the seat of their legal authority and it continued to occupy their position until the end of their political power. The fact that they were the feudatories of the Karnātaka suzerains (the Kadambas of Banavāsi, the Chālukyas of Bādāmi, the Rāshtrakūtas of Mānyakhēta, the Chālukyas of Kalyāṇa, the Hoysalas of Dvārasamudra and the Rāyas of Vijayanagara) reveals clearly the phenomenon that from the early centuries of the Christian era, Tuḷu-nādu had unbroken contact with Karnātaka and therefore, the influence of Karnāṭaka over Tulu-nādu in the various spheres of politico-socio-cultural activities was very well marked. Culture of Tuḷu-nādu was part of the Karnāṭaka cultural complex and the Western Ghats had been no serious impediments to this penetration. It is not worthwhile, at the present juncture, to debate upon the nature of the origin of the Āḷupas and what exactly the term Aḷupa connotes. Suffice it to infer that the word-root āḷu means ‘rule’ Perhaps, the originator of this family must have been named Āḷupa or Aluva and the entire family came to be called the Alupa dynasty and the term Alupa (Aḷuva) came to be accepted in tradition as the family cognomen. Some scholars like Dr. B. A. Saletore and M. Govinda Pai are of the opinion that the term Āluka must be related to Śēsha (king of the serpents) and accordingly infer that the Aḷupas must have been of the Nāga origin. They refer, in substantiation, to the relief on the inscription-stone from Mangalore, dated A.D. 1303, which they seem to surmise is that of a hooded-serpent. In fact, the relief on this stone is not of a hooded-serpent, but of Brahma, Vishnu and Mahēśvara in propitiation of whom grant was given. The central relief is of Vishnu depicted as being seated on Śēṣa. Lack of observation has led to this misconception. (PLATE XI c) Alvakhēda-6,000. The Halmiḍi inscription of Kākusthavarman belonging to about A.D.450 is taken into account as the earliest of the Kannada epigraphs, hitherto, discovered. It is argued that Alapa mentioned in this inscription may be identified with thc Āḷupas of the district of South Kanara. Authorities still dispute whether this identification is acceptables. Should we accept this equation of Aḷapa with Āḷupa, we can say that the history of the Āḷupas dates back to the 5th century A.D. on epigraphical grounds. In the 7th century A.D., the Āḷupas were ruling in the district of South Kanara. This fact is corroborated by two of the earliest inscriptions belonging to the dynasty, both found in the Udupi taluk. We come across the name Āḷvakhēda with its geographical extent 6,000 for the first time in the Soraba inscription, dated about A.D.800, of the Rāshṭrakūta king, Govindarasu. Another epigraph of the 9th century A.D. belonging to Niḍugunḍi, Bankapura taluk of the Dharwad district, seems to record some gifts of land when Indapayya was governing Banavāsi–12,000. It also mentions Āḷvakhēda-6,000. It is beyond doubt that Āḷvakhēḍa as a distinct political division was known by about the 9th century A.D. Dr. Buhler’s introduction to the Vikramāṅkadēvacharita gives the following information. Vikrama, on being left to himself, marched towards Tuṅgabhadra on whose bank he rested his army for sometime. Then he became anxious to fight the Chōḷas and spent some time in Vanavāsa. When he resumed his march, the trumpets of his army reminded the kings of Malaya-dēśa of his former great deeds. Jayakēsi the king of Konkaṇa came to him and brought presents. Āḷupa made his submission and received benefits in return. The wives of the king of Kēraḷa wept when they heard the former deeds of Vikrama. South of Konkaṇa and north of Kerala lay the Āḷupa kingdom. This territorial division of Alvakhēda-6,000 continued to be called by that name till the Hoysaḷa period. And an inscription of the time of Vishnuvardhana refers to the people of Āḷvakhēḍa-6,000 (Āḷvakhēdavarusāsiradalu) During the Hoysala times, this country was frequently referred to as the Āḷvakhēda and as the western boundary of their dominions. The variation Āḷvarakhēda is also used, meaning definitely the land of the Āḷupas.
The extension of Aḷvakhēda over parts of the North Kanara district inclusive of Haive, may be substantiated by a few epigraphs. The division of Nūṟuṁbāḍa was administered by one Bankiyanna-arasa (in the Honnavara taluk, North Kanara), during the 11th-12th centuries A.D. The inscription belonging to the reign of Pāndya-Chakravarti arirāya-basava sankara Pāndya-gajānkusa Vīra-Sōyidēvālpēndra, dated A.D. 1348, describe the religious establishment in the lands made by one Mahāprabhu Nārāyaṇa sarvātithya of Iďagundi of the Honnavara taluk. The Sirāli inscription of Bhatakaḷa, North Kanara, dated A.D. 1304, speaks of the gift madi by Pāndya-Chakravarti arirāya-basava-sankara Vira-Ajayidēvarasa.is The second part of the same inscription dated A.D. 1334 records another gift during the reign of Sōyidēva, the Āḷupa ruler. Vira-Kulaśēkhara dēvarasa ruling from Bārakūru is stated to have issued the orders in conjunction with his ministers, announcing the continuance of the use of his bidāra by the people of Śirāle. Thus, before the advent of the Vijayanagara rule, the western coastal strip, consisting of the modern district of South Kanara and the coastal regions of North Kanara (especially Bhatkaḷa and Honnavara taluks) were under the control of the Āḷupas and Alvakhēda-6,000 referred to in epigraphs was this coastal territory. In the history of any country in the Christian era, it may be difficult to find a similar example of a continuous line of dynastic rule extending over a period of more than a thousand years as that of the Āḷupas. It is, indeed, unique. But, it may not be unreasonable to suppose that the Āḷupas held power through the main and collateral branches. The most vexing problem with this dynasty is chronology. Any researcher on the history of the Āḷupas in general and of the early Aḷupas in particular is faced with the acute paucity of dated epigraphs with the result that the chronological sequence in the writing of the political history of this ruling family can, at best, be hypothetical. Future discoveries of new epigraphs, dated or datable and with greater clarity, may clear the horizon. Even the more abundant epigraphs with fuller details relating to the medieval and later Āḷupas fail to solve the problem of chronology. It has been very difficult to fix the reign periods of the various Āḷupa rulers with certainty.
The following genealogy of the Aḷupas may be accepted as fairly reliable, although there is a large room left for improvement. The succession table of the Āḷupa dynasty drawn by Dr. K.V. Ramesh is an original contribution of very high value. He has painstakingly laboured to solve many problems connected with chronology. A few alterations have been made in the light of new discoveries with the confession that the findings are yet not final.
C.A.D. 650 – A.D. 675 Āḷuvarasa I (Guṇasāgara) (Āḷuka-mahārāja)
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C.A.D. 675 – A.D. 710 Chitravāhana I (son)
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C.A.D. 710 – A.D. 720 – Raṇasāgara Kshīrasāgara (interim period)
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C.A.D. 720 – A.D. 725 – Svētavāhana
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C.A.D. 725 – A.D. 750 – Udayaditya Prithvīsāgara
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C.A.D. 750 – A.D. 770 – Udayāditya Māramma Aluvarasar
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C.A.D. 770 – A.D. 795 – Sakala-Śrīmat-Āḷuvarasa II
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C.A.D. 795 – A.D. 825 – Chitravāhana – II
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Nāgadatta Pāṇdya-nāyaga ?
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Vimalāditya ?
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Daṭṭamma (Datta-Āḷupa)?
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C.A.D. 910 – A.D. 930 – Aḷuva Raṇañjaya
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C.A.D. 930 – A.D. 970 – Kundavarma
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C.A.D. 970 – A.D. 1000 – Pāṇdya-Dhanañjaya
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C.A.D. 1000 – A.D. 1030 – Chōla Occupation
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C.A.D.: 1030 – A.D. 1050 – Baṅkidēva I
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C.A.D. 1050 – A.D. 1070 – Dattāḷuvēndra-Sri-Māra
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C.A.D. 1070 – A.D. 1090 – Paṭṭiyoḍeya
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C.A.D. 1090 – A.D. 1115 – Pāṇdya-Paṭṭiyoḍeya (Kumāra Jayasingarasa)
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C.A.D. 1115 – A.D. 1155 – Bhujabala Kavi-Āḷupēndra.
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C.A.D. 1156 – A.D. 1170 – Bommadeva-Āḷupēndra
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C.A.D. 1170 – A.D. 1220 – Vīra-Kulaśēkhara
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C.A.D. 1220 – A.D. 1230 – Paṇḍita-Pāṇdya (Kuṇḍaṇa)
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C.A.D. 1230 – A.D. 1250 – Vallabhadēva
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C.A.D. 1250 – A.D. 1275 – Vīrapāṇḍyadeva I
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C.A.D. 1275 – A.D. 1292 – Ballamahādēvi (wife)
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C.A.D. 1290 – A.D. 1300 – Nāgarasa
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C.A.D. 1285 – A.D. 1315 – Bankidēva II (nephew of Virapāndya)?
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C.A.D. 1315 – A D. 1335 – Sōyidēva
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C.A.D. 1335 – A.D. 1346 – Kulasekhara II
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C.A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1355 – Bankidēva III
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C.A.D. 1355 – A.D. 1390 – Kulasekhara III
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C.A.D. 1390 – A.D. 1400 – Virapāṇdya II
HOYSALA
Chikkāyi – Tāyi (Queen of Vira-Ballāla III, A.D.1333 – 1348)
Kulaśehhara (A.D. 1344 – 1348)
The discovery of a new cpigraphy from the Seṭtra-basti, Mūḍabidure, South Kanara throws fressh light on the genealogy of the Āḷupas and the introduces a new ruler in Bammadēva-Āḷvēndra, who is stated to belong to Sōma-vaṁśa and is described as Bhuvana-vikhyāta and Pāṇḍya-kula-tilaka. The absence of the Śaka year in this epigraph causes difficulty in determining the date. The epigraph is in the form of an epitaph mentioning the death of one Uttama-setti on the Ekādasi day (Wednesday) falling on the seventh day of Vrishabha-māsa of Pārthiva samvatsara. Pārthiva occurs in A.D. 1045, A.D. 1105, A.D. 1165, A.D. 1225 and A.D. 1285. The 7th tithi on the said Vr̥ishabha month does not correspond to the week-day, Wednesday, in any of these years. Only in the years A.D. 1285 it corresponds to Thursday (a day later) i.e. May 1, and Tuesday (a day earlier) i.e. May 1, respectively. In A.D. 1224, the previous Tāraṇa cyclical year, it falls on May 1, Wednesday. The preferable equivalent date may be A.D. 1224 or A.D. 1225. The epigraph is engraved in the Hoysaḷa characters and has an elegant relief characterising Hoysala art. Palaeographically, the epigraph may be ascribed to the 12th C.A.D. in which case the date acceptable will be A.D. 1165. The text of the epigraph is as follows: Svasti Śrimatu Bhuvana-vikhyāta Pāndyakula-tilaka Sōma – vaṁśōdbhavada Bammadēvālvēndra – dēvara rājyābhyudayada Pārthiva-saṁvatsarada Vrishabha-māsa 2neya ēkādaśi budhavāradandu Swasti Śri samastaguṇa sampannarappa Uttama-seṭṭiyaru samādhi-vidhiyam māḍisi svargastharādaru Sri vītārāga.